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(Wednesday update: I've written a follow-up to this post, examining the question of peacetime military fatalities in more detail, and addressing some of the uses to which the Colon piece has been put.) Over at The Corner this morning, Jonah Goldberg linked to a New York Sun op-ed by Alicia Colon that sought to put American Iraq War combat deaths in "proper perspective." The "total military dead in the Iraq war between 2003 and this month stands at about 3,133," she wrote, compared with "4,417 [military] deaths in peacetime" in Clinton's first term. These are startling figures, about which Goldberg said he'd "like to know more." So here you go, Jonah: The first thing worth knowing about the numbers is that they compare total military deaths in Clinton's first term with Iraq War deaths under George W. Bush. All told, there were 5,076 US military fatalities between 2003 and 2005, not 3,133 between 2003 and early 2007. The second thing worth knowing is that deaths of US military personnel dropped steadily over the course of the Clinton administration, as they had under Reagan and George HW Bush. In 1981, Reagan's first year in office, there were 2,380 US military deaths. In 2000, Clinton's last year, there were 758. The military got steadily better at protecting the lives of its servicemembers during Clinton's two terms in office, in other words, and Colon's use of his first-term numbers as a point of reference deliberately obscures that fact. The third thing worth knowing is that it's not just combat deaths that rise in time of war. Military deaths by accident and illness doubled between 2000 and 2005, and homicides rose by a third. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have placed stresses on the military that don't appear in combat fatality figures.  And just now a commenter at The Corner, responding to Goldberg's request for data, said that "we're fighting this war with lower casualties than that expected from normal training accidents in a peacetime army." Setting aside the fact that the category of "casualties" includes injuries, of which our current wars have produced far more than the military would see in peacetime, that claim asks us to ignore the advances that our military has made in the last quarter-century in safeguarding the lives of its members. The graphic at right shows the number of US military deaths per 100,000 personnel from 1981 to 2005. In it, we see that the death rate of American troops dropped steadily during the Reagan, Bush, and Clinton administrations, and that by 2000 it had fallen to less than half of what it had been in 1981. That's a tremendous achievement, and a credit to the military. But it's an achievement that's been undone by four years of war --- and it's an achievement that some are apparently willing to erase from memory in the cause of propaganda. Update: Here's a single stat that sums up the above argument. In the final three calendar years of Clinton's administration, there were 2,381 US military fatalities. In the first three calendar years of the Iraq War there were 5,076. That bears repeating, I think: US military fatalities, 1998-2000: 2,381. US military fatalities, 2003-2005: 5,076. (The statistics I cite in this post can be found here, in the Excel spreadsheet entitled "U.S. Active Duty Military Deaths by Manner of Death: 1980 to 2005.") Tags: essays, politics, the war
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From: kevin_t_keith |
Date: February 21st, 2007 02:30 pm (UTC) |
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Goldberg - Asshole Redux
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There's a Jonah Goldberg link between the story about military fatalities and the one about Walter Reed neglect. He gets them both wrong. Here's his take on the latter: "I don't trust Dana Priest that much, and I am suspicious of some of possible motives behind the series, so with those caveats in mind, I still think the Post's series (See here and here ) on what some of our wounded troops go through is must-reading. . . . Still, here's an idea for Fox News. Take Geraldo Rivera off the Anna Nicole beat and put him full time on this one. . . . As for Priest, I don't think she lies or anything like that. But she has something of an agenda in my opinion." Note that Priest spent 4 months visiting the Walter Reed facility undercover, and interviewed "dozens" of soldiers for the story, many of them anonymously. She's also the one who broke the story about the CIA's "extraordinary rendition" torture gulag. But the exalted Jonah Goldberg doesn't think she's his kind of reporter. (He later quotes one veteran who says the facility is OK - an assessment that, as you note, the facility's own commander now repudiates - as proof of his suspicions.) Christ he's a fucking dick.
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| From: (Anonymous) |
Date: March 6th, 2007 08:55 pm (UTC) |
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Re: Data analysis
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So Bismark Balkan strategy might have had worked if it was not abandoned by the Kaiser. I don't know enough about that, so I just remeber your thesis for future reading.
Regarding "the policy of containment and sanctions" in Iraq, there were two big problems:
1. It was a humanitarian catastrophe in its own right:
"Even the most conservative, independent estimates hold economic sanctions responsible for a public health catastrophe of epic proportions... U.N. sanctions regime that was quite literally killing people." --Denis Halliday, a former United Nations Humanitarian Co-ordinater in Baghdad, resigned in October 1998 in protest over the effect of the sanctions on the civilian population
“As a UN official, I should not be expected to be silent to that which I recognise as a true human tragedy which need to be ended ….. how long the civilian population which is totally innocent in all this, should be exposed to such punishment for something they have never done?"--Halliday replacement Hans van Sponeck, who has in turn resigned after speaking out strongly against the sanctions.
2. It was also used by al Qaida as a propaganda tool against US.
So should we have continued with the sanctions, regardless?
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From: warinner |
Date: March 12th, 2007 08:13 am (UTC) |
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Re: Data analysis
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Regarding "the policy of containment and sanctions" in Iraq, there were two big problems:
1. It was a humanitarian catastrophe in its own right: If sanctions were "a public health catastrophe of epic proportions," what have been the last four years? A public catastrophe of really, really, really epic proportions, that's what. (At least 58476, scientific studies estimate between 393,000 and 943,000. ~2,000,000 people displaced, either internally or as refugees.) Obviously the broad sanctions in place on Iraq were not sustainable. But sanctions on military technologies certainly were. Would they have been perfect? No, they would not have been but they would have been effective in limiting the military power of Iraq. And, of course, they would have been dirt cheap compared to the cost of invasion and reconstruction. 2. It was also used by al Qaida as a propaganda tool against US.
And the invasion and occupation of Iraq isn't?
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| From: (Anonymous) |
Date: March 6th, 2007 10:29 pm (UTC) |
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I liked the tone and contents of your post and am grateful for all the statistical links.
I agree that Colon's presentation of numbers was slanted. However, the numbers presented every day by TV and newspapers are perhaps even more misleading.
As you say, "there were 5,076 US military fatalities between 2003 and 2005", of which about 3,000 occured in Iraq (by my calculation). That is 60% of all the fatalities in US military over the same period. For every 3 US soldiers dead in Iraq, 2 more US soldiers die elsewhere!
Two things:
Why is that every fatality in Iraq is noted and publicized and fatalities outside Iraq are practically ignored? I agree, every soldier's life is a precious loss, so why soldiers that die elsewhere (2 out of 5) get no attention at all?
Again, if every soldier's life is a precious loss, why the steady reduction in US Army fatality rates were completely ignored? Clinton-Gore deserve a lot of credit for bringing the fatalities rate to a record minimum during 1992-2000 period. Wasn't that the cause to celebrate? But nobody cared then. Suddenly, every fatality in Iraq is important.
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Why is that every fatality in Iraq is noted and publicized and fatalities outside Iraq are practically ignored? I agree, every soldier's life is a precious loss, so why soldiers that die elsewhere (2 out of 5) get no attention at all?
Setting aside the reduction in the peacetime death rate in the 80s and 90s for a moment (see below), such fatalities are essentially a "fixed cost" of having a military. If you want to have zero military deaths from accidents and illness, you have to have no military. But if you want to have zero military deaths in Iraq, you just have to get the military out of Iraq. So those deaths are a result of an identifiable set of political decisions, and thus newsworthy in a way that the peacetime deaths aren't.
But having said that...
Again, if every soldier's life is a precious loss, why the steady reduction in US Army fatality rates were completely ignored?
...this is an excellent question.
I think the answer is that long-term trends don't usually make the news without a hook. I suspect that if you looked, you'd find a few stories in the national media about the decline in peacetime military fatalities, but only a few --- the same way that you don't see many stories about trends in highway deaths or workplace injuries or cancer rates.
Also, bad news is generally bigger news than good news.
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